Hong Kong and Thanksgiving in America

Hong Kong

On the eve of Thanksgiving in America, it is, I think, most appropriate to write about Hong Kong, and here is why I say so: How Laissez-Faire and Private Property Saved The Pilgrims

Recently, when Houston Rockets General Manager Daryl Morey voiced his excellent support of Hong Kong’s freedom demonstrations — “Fight for freedom,” he wrote, “stand with Hong Kong!” — in direct opposition to Communist China’s authoritarian regime, many of our garden-variety liberals who have been spoiled rotten by America (and for this reason take her entirely for granted) came out swinging at Daryl Morey, who was totally in the right.

Among the most prominent of those garden-variety progressives was none other than LeBron James, one of the many thousands of professional athletes whom the (relative) free-market of America has made into a phenomenally wealthy human. Or perhaps I should say: “African-American male, he/him.”

Please note that in China, LeBron James would not have the legal sanction to his wealth — the product of his labor and talent — nor to the freedom of expression he enjoys here.

Note also what he actually said:

“[Daryl Morey] was misinformed [and] wasn’t educated on the situation at hand.”

Unquote.

In fact, it’s the other way around. Daryl Morey was incontrovertibly educated on the situation at hand.

Hong Kong, as I’ve written about before, is unique among all cities and civilizations in the entirety of human history. The only other place that compares — and it compares for the same reason — is New York City.

The reason that Hong Kong — a small barren, resource-poor rock in the middle of the South China Sea — grew into one of the wealthiest, most civilized and sophisticated places on planet earth, in an incredibly short amount of time, may be summed up in a short phrase:

Laissez-nous faire.

Hong Kong is an absolutely irrefutable testament to the elegant order of laissez faire — true laissez-faire. Which is not a mixed economy, nor a crony capitalist economy, both of which things, incidentally, in one way or another, no matter the continent or country, virtually all people today are calling for more of.

The person most responsible for Hong Kong’s meteoric rise to the greatness of an unmatched civilization (because of its explicit implementation of laissez-faire) is a person you’ve perhaps never heard of: Sir John James Cowperthwaite (1915–2006).

As Lawrence W. Reed — not the same Mr. Reed who wrote the timeless essay titled I, Pencil which, in many ways, is the only thing you’ll ever need to know — put it:

“Some of us just write about pro-freedom ideas. This guy actually made them public policy for millions.”

Quoting from:

The Man Behind the Hong Kong Miracle

 If we are to believe the critics [of laissez-faire], Hong Kong must be a veritable Hell’s Kitchen of greed, poverty, exploitation and despair.

Not so. Not even close.

Maybe this is why socialists don’t like to talk about Hong Kong: It’s not only the freest economy, it’s also one of the richest. Its per capita income, at 264 percent of the world’s average, has more than doubled in the past 15 years. People don’t flee from Hong Kong. They flock to it. [Sounds a little like racist, fascist America.] At the close of World War II, the population numbered 750,000. Today it’s nearly ten times that, at 7.1 million.

Positive Non-Interventionism

The one man most responsible for [Hong Kong’s] perennial achievement: Sir John James Cowperthwaite should forever occupy top shelf in the pantheon of great free-thinkers….

Compare Britain—the birthplace of the Industrial Revolution, the nineteenth-century economic superpower on whose empire the sun never set—with Hong Kong, a spit of land, overcrowded, with no resources except for a great harbor. Yet within four decades the residents of this spit of overcrowded land had achieved a level of income one-third higher than that enjoyed by the residents of its former mother country.

A Scot by birth, Cowperthwaite attended Merchiston Castle School in Edinburgh and then studied classics at St Andrews University and at Christ’s College at Cambridge. He served in the British Colonial Administrative Service in Hong Kong during the early 1940s. After the war he was asked to come up with plans for the government to boost economic growth. To his credit, he had his eyes open and noticed that the economy was already recovering quite nicely without government direction. So while the mother country lurched in a socialist direction at home under Clement Attlee, Cowperthwaite became an advocate of what he called “positive non-interventionism” in Hong Kong. Later as the colony’s Financial Secretary from 1961 to 1971, he personally administered it.

“Over a wide field of our economy it is still the better course to rely on the nineteenth century’s ‘hidden hand’ than to thrust clumsy bureaucratic fingers into its sensitive mechanism,” Cowperthwaite declared in 1962. “In particular, we cannot afford to damage its mainspring, freedom of competitive enterprise.”

He didn’t like protectionism or subsidies even for new, so-called “infant” industries:

“An infant industry, if coddled, tends to remain an infant industry and never grows up or expands.” He believed firmly that “in the long run, the aggregate of the decisions of individual businessmen, exercising individual judgment in a free economy, even if often mistaken, is likely to do less harm than the centralized decisions of a Government; and certainly the harm is likely to be counteracted faster.”

Ever since the days of John Maynard Keynes, economics has been cursed by the notion that human action should be distilled into numbers, which then become a “pretense to knowledge” for central planner types. In many collegiate economics courses, it’s hard to tell where the math leaves off and the actual economics begins. To Cowperthwaite, the planner’s quest for statistics was anathema. So he refused to compile them. When the economist Milton Friedman asked him in 1963 about the “paucity of statistics,” Cowperthwaite answered:

“If I let them compute those statistics, they’ll want to use them for planning.”

If that sounds quaintly backward or archaic, let me remind you that the biggest economic flops of the past century were both centrally planned and infatuated with numbers. Whole ministries were devoted to their compilation because even lousy numbers gave the planners the illusion of control. But not in Hong Kong!

Statistics, no matter how accurate or voluminous, are no substitute for sound principles. Powered by an abundance of the latter under Cowperthwaite, the Hong Kong economy soared during his tenure. Writing in the November 2008 issue of The Freeman, Andrew P. Morriss noted that in his decade as financial secretary, “real wages rose by 50 percent and the portion of the population in acute poverty fell from 50 to 15 percent.” It’s hard to argue with success. After Cowperthwaite’s retirement in 1971, less principled successors dabbled in social welfare spending but they financed it through land sales, not increased taxation. Tax rates to this day are right where the old man left them.

(Link)

Lebron James last year came out in support of former quarterback Colin Kaepernick, saying: “I stand with anyone who believes in change.”

“Anyone?,” David Harsanyi recently wrote in direct response to this robotic platitude, and continued: “Of course, LeBron’s stand, as with most acts of pretend celebrity bravery, resulted in hosannas being thrown at him by the press, and, more importantly, never costing him a penny. [Spoiled] Americans [who are so spoiled that they don’t know how good they’ve got it] tend to use word like ‘stand’ and ‘fight’ in their political disagreements, although they never really have to stand and fight for anything. Tank Man stood and fought. The Hong Kong protesters stand and fight. We take to social media and argue. Posting a Nike-approved picture on your Instagram account of Kaepernick—adorned with the $40-million market-test slogan, ‘Believe in something, Even if it means sacrificing everything’—is not an act of bravery, LeBron.”

I don’t know that truer words have ever been spoken.

Finally, there’s an even deeper benefit to laissez-faire — true laissez-faire — one that is an elaboration upon the elegance of laissez-faire’s economic order: that benefit is the genuine harmony and goodwill, the unity and non-factionalizing among people, which a policy of live-and-let live brings with it.

That is why Hong Kong’s current generation is fighting so furiously and uncompromisingly: because they knew freedom. They had it. They lived it. They saw its goodness firsthand, its rightness, its inherent, inalienable justice. And many of them know also that the moment those freedoms are stripped by an authoritarian regime and its immense propaganda machine takes hold, entrenchment will set in, and those beautiful civilizing freedoms will be gone forever.

They fight with so much passion and beauty because they know that to lose it will be to lose it irrevocably. They know they must win. And they must. It is do or die, and they sense this, and my admiration for them knows no bounds, because they are up against a leviathan-sized Borg, utterly mindless, the “coldest of all cold monsters,” as Nietzsche well said, “who bites with stolen teeth” — the state.

I’ve been watching Hong Kong every single day, sometimes minute-by-minute, and this recent thread, written by a native Hong-Kongian, captures precisely what I mean about the natural harmony that exists among humans when humans are left alone:

Compare these passionate, brave, freedom-loving people with the spoiled-rotten ANTIFA and Occupy illiterates — whom the police they hate are in this country protecting their right to free speech which ANTIFA would abolish, and who would have us emulate something much closer to China’s authoritarian government — and it will either enrage you, or bring you to your knees:

Happy Thanksgiving.

Barack Obama Openly Admits His Antipathy Toward The Free Market

In so doing, Barack Obama also discloses for us again his arrant economic-political illiteracy.

Straight from the horse’s mouth — and it doesn’t get any plainer than this:




One would be wise to note here that there’s never in world history been a system of total unregulated laissez-faire capitalism, but the societies that have come the closest have prospered the most.

In fact, there’s an indisputable correlation between freedom and flourishing, which is why Hong Kong, a barren rock in the middle of the ocean, with virtually no resources at all, grew to such astronomical proportions in so short a time during the 20th century, and it’s also why America became the greatest civilization in all of human history in less than 200 years.



Michael Moore: Old Fashioned Capitalism When “Wealth Was Shared”

In a recent interview with CNN’s Piers Morgan, socialist documentarian Michael Moore — who, not coincidentally, made a socialist propaganda movie called Capitalism: A Love Story — revealed Monday (September 27th, 2011) what we all already knew: he has no understanding whatsoever of what capitalism really is.

The video clip won’t embed, but you can watch it here (and I suggest you do).

This is what Michael Moore said:

When you say the word capitalism, you have to talk about it in its current sense. You can’t told about the old days or the way maybe, you know, Adam Smith. The sort of old capitalism….

[In the] old days when you worked hard and prospered, everyone else prospered as well. And not only that, as you prospered, the wealth was shared with your employees, with the government. Everybody had a piece of the pie. You, who started the business or invented the light bulb or whatever, you got a bigger piece of the pie. And you know what, nobody cared because you invented the light bulb. That was a pretty cool thing….

None of the major religions, in fact they all, say it’s one of the worst sins you could commit, is to take such a large piece of the pie while others suffer.

Isn’t that heavy?

But the truth is, capitalism is the diametric opposite of what Michael Moore would have you believe.

What is capitalism?

Capitalism is a social system based upon private ownership of the means of production and the preeminence of the individual over the group.

This issue — capitalism-versus-socialism — hinges upon one thing, and this one thing is the only thing you’ll ever need to know about the subject: private ownership (capitalism) versus public or government ownership (socialism).

Do we each own ourselves and (corollarily) our property?

Or do others own us and our property?

Money is property.

Capitalism is an entire political theory — not, as is sometimes supposed, merely economic.

The exclusively economic component of capitalism can be described as the right to life, liberty, and property applied to commerce and industry.

Pure laissez-faire capitalism, which does not exist now and has never existed fully, means that government removes itself from all commerce (and that includes healthcare), in the same way that government removes itself from the bedroom.

In addition to early America, there is at least one other society that has come close to laissez faire capitalism:

“After the War Hong Kong had no minimum wage, low and simple taxes, zero tariffs, zero capital controls, and a stable legal environment. Postwar Hong Kong went as far with economic laissez faire as any other country in history. This resulted in economic development that benefited virtually all the people of Hong Kong. Living standards increased substantially even for the poorest people in Hong Kong” (Stefan Karlsson, “Inflation Leads to Protectionism,” 2004).

Capitalism means that commerce and industry are entirely privatized.

Corporations that receive government subsidies are not capitalistic. They’re the opposite: they’re mercantilistic.
The same is true of small businesses and farms that receive subsidies.

Trade tariffs are not capitalistic but mercantilistic.

Mercantilism is an ancient and more primitive form of socialism. It is socialism before Karl Marx.

Political theory is the theory of government, and government, properly defined, is the body politic that possesses rule over a certain specified geographic region.

Economics is the science of production and exchange, but production does not just mean agriculture, although that is certainly included.

Productive work is any kind of work geared toward the task of survival — survival in the fully human sense of the word, including, therefore, arts, sports, industry, and so on.

Thus the essential questions of government are these:

Do humans exist by right or by permission?

Are we free by nature?

If so, why?

Are we free to produce, exchange, and exist, or do politicians, elected or not, have authority and jurisdiction over the lives of us — to any degree?

Obviously, there’s only one sane answer to all these questions; for to say that humans do not exist by right is the same as saying humans only exist when someone permits us to. But if that were true, we must then ask: who permits? And why? And who gives these people permission?

Fundamentally, political freedom can be achieved only through recognizing each and every single individual’s right to life.

If, then, you believe that we are each individuated and sovereign, and if you believe that our lives are entirely our own and not the government’s and not another’s, if, in short, you believe “we each have a property in our person,” as John Locke said, then you believe in the inalienable right to life, liberty, and property.

You believe, therefore, in laissez-faire capitalism.


More here on the many permutations of socialism.

Laissez Faire and Hong Kong


Laissez faire is a social system based upon private ownership of the means of production and the preeminence of the individual over the group.

The word capitalism was popularized by Karl Marx, in the 1850’s. Marx used it to denounce private ownership of the means of production and the autonomous workings of the free market.

Many people use “capitalism” to denote laissez faire, but the word capitalism has become a laden and loaded word, easily misunderstood with its opposite: crony capitalism.

Laissez faire is an entire political theory — not, as is sometimes supposed, merely economic. In this regard — and only in this regard — it is akin to communism.

The exclusively economic component of laissez-faire may be described as the right to life, liberty, and property applied to commerce and industry.

Pure laissez-faire, which does not exist now and has never existed fully, means that government removes itself from all commerce (and that includes healthcare), in the same way that government removes itself from your bedroom.

In addition to early America, there is at least one other society that has come close to laissez faire:

After the War Hong Kong had no minimum wage, low and simple taxes, zero tariffs, zero capital controls, and a stable legal environment. Postwar Hong Kong went as far with economic laissez faire as any other country in history. This resulted in economic development that benefited virtually all the people of Hong Kong. Living standards increased substantially even for the poorest people in Hong Kong (Stefan Karlsson, Inflation Leads to Protectionism, 2004).

Laissez faire means that commerce and industry are entirely privatized.

Corporations that receive government subsidies are not capitalistic. They’re the opposite: they’re mercantilistic.

The same is true of small businesses and farms that receive subsidies.

Trade tariffs are not capitalistic but mercantilistic.

Mercantilism is an ancient and more primitive form of socialism. It is socialism before Karl Marx.

Political theory is the theory of government, and government, properly defined, is the body politic that possesses rule over a certain geographic region.

Economics is the science of production and exchange, but production does not just mean agriculture, although that is certainly included.

Productive work is any kind of work geared toward the task of survival — survival in the fully human sense of the word, including, therefore, arts, sports, industry, and so on.

Thus the essential questions of government are these:

Do humans exist by right or by permission? Are we free by nature? If so, why? Are we free to produce, exchange, and exist, or do politicians, elected or not, have authority and jurisdiction over the lives of us — to any degree?

Obviously, there’s only one sane answer to all these questions; for to say that humans do not exist by right is the same as saying humans only exist when someone permits us to. But if that were true, we must then ask: who permits? And why? And who gives these people permission?

Fundamentally, political freedom can be achieved only through recognizing each and every single individual’s right to life.

If, then, you believe that we are each individuated and sovereign, and if you believe that our lives are entirely our own and not the government’s and not another’s, if, in short, you believe “we each have a property in our person,” as John Locke said, then you believe in the inalienable right to life, liberty, and property.

You believe, therefore, in laissez-faire capitalism.